The Innocents of Jack Clayton Movie Review Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

The Innocents of Jack Clayton - Movie Review Example Mrs. Giddens’s need for affirmation lead her to escape for her native town and obtain a new job based on lies.   At the beginning of the story, the audience becomes aware that Mrs. Giddens wants to escape from her everyday reality. She seems to be unhappy in her native small town as she applies for a job that is far away from her home.   The new job in a large house in the countryside opens up the opportunity to start a new life as a governess.   Furthermore, during her first job interview, she tries to convince her possible employer that she can do and be whatever she needs to do in order to be hired. She states: â€Å"But above anything else, I love the children† (The Innocents).   Mrs. Giddens appears to be a typical, traditional woman.   She wants to receive approval and she has an obvious need to be accepted. Her wish to work with children can be interpreted as a normal motherly instinct, but it also could be interpreted as something more sinister: Mrs. G iddens needs to be in control and the audience could notice that she does have a low level of self-esteem. Mrs. Giddens realizes that the need to hire a new governess is an emergency and so she takes advantage of that situation. She pretends to be a good person in whom the uncle of the two orphan children can trust.   The director portrays Mrs. Giddens as a rather pretty, normal person who will do whatever needs to be done to make the children happy.   At first, it is not obvious that there may be some hidden intentions behind the pleasant exterior of Mrs. Giddens.   When she mentions that her goal or priority is making the children happy rather than to give them a good education this shows that she is not logical and objective. Mrs. Giddens does not have a clear idea that the role of a governess is to educate the children and make them into productive individuals.   She takes advantage of the situation showing herself as a compassionate person who wants the children to be happy. This suits the uncle, who is not very interested in the welfare of the two children. He just wants to enjoy himself without any worries. Both of the adults betray the children by neglecting their real needs.

Community Policing vs Intelligence-Led Policing Essay

Community Policing vs Intelligence-Led Policing - Essay Example With that given perception, community policing and its built-in advantages are a big help to the regular police authorities who already have their hands full. It has to be importantly observed though that, even without this new alternative, the government has to work hand in hand with the local townsmen in its macro responsibility of making life safe and orderly. In another vein, intelligence-led policing is a recent development in the whole criminal justice system. With the rise of the computer and other high technology, statistics and other stored data enhance surveillance activities with emphasis on suspects who are marked as serious threats. Considering that New York is a highly urbanized metropolis with a big population and a wide range of multi-racial mixes, its police functions, and related endeavors must be extensive and effective enough to curb crime and disorder. While the crime rate in this heart of America has materially reduced in the past few years1, it is a known fact that big crimes and the most notorious criminals were, and still are, linked to New York. Taking into account these backdrops, traditional government resources may not be sufficient to prevent, deter and solve mal and misfeasance. It is therefore imperative that intelligence-led policing, which is a state initiative, must be executed together with the cooperation of responsible citizens under the ambit of community policing. Significance of Criminal Case Verdicts Four landmark cases have a significant bearing on the role of the police in society. The case of Mapp v. Ohio highlighted the requirement of a warrant for a search to be valid and that any evidence obtained out of a warrantless search could not be admitted in evidence. Gideon v. Wainwright, the next relevant case, discusses the right of any person to have a lawyer in all instances where a criminal act is being charged. The jurisprudence in Escobedo v. Illinois and Miranda v Arizona laid down similar principles. The case laws under consideration delve on basic personal privileges enshrined in the constitution under the bill of rights. The right of a person as a human being has always been given utmost respect and preference. This is one poignant character of democracy. Indeed, laws in modern civilized environments protect and shelter individual freedom from legal entanglements. Unfortunately, this seeming over-protection puts constraints on police duties and responsibilities. Some peace and order exponents even decry that this attitude about personal rights is, in effect, equivalent to depriving society of a livable surrounding because the power to combat crimes and criminals is hindered in the process. For instance, even if a concerned passerby police officer has all the hints to suspect certain misdeeds inside a nearby building, he cannot just simply barge in and declare an arrest or a search. He has yet to go to the court and get a writ to that effect. What if the suspects are already gone. What if the instruments of the crime were already transported What if any form of obstruction of justice has already been committed.

An Analysis Of Turkish And Kurdish Tensions Politics Essay

An Analysis Of Turkish And Kurdish Tensions Politics Essay Since taking office in 2002, the Justice and Development Part (AKP) has introduced a series of reforms to democratize the social, economic and political life in Turkey. After being elected one more time in 2007, the AKP government has committed to solve Kurdish issue which can be seen as one of the most intractable conflict of Turkey continuing for over 30 years. Popularly known as the Kurdish opening (Kà ¼rt Aà §Ãƒâ€žÃ‚ ±lÄ ±mÄ ±) process, the initiative is the first systematic attempt to get through identity-based discontents of the Kurds. This study presents a brief history of the conflict, the windows of opportunity that supported the AKP government, the analysis of the Kurdish opening process. In order to provide a holistic perspective, the historical, political, socio-psychological, legal and cultural dynamics of the Kurdish issue will be touched here. At the end, a series of recommendations are also discussed that are consistent within the analytic perspective of the paper. II. HISTORY OF THE CONFLICT The conflict between the Turkish state and the PKK (Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan)  [1]  can be seen as an intractable one that been continuing for over three decades and caused more than 30,000 deaths from both sides. Basically, the conflict is the byproduct of the Turkish nation building process. The beginning of the politicization of Kurdish cultural identity corresponds to the shift from multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-cultural realities of the Ottoman Empire to the nation-state model.  [2]  According to Ergil, the Turkish official state policy was based on the idea of civic nation referring to the geographical region in which all the peoples of Turkey lived, rather than ethnic-nation (the dominant Turkish ethnic group). However, soon after, the ruling military elite, intellectuals, and bureaucrats shifted from this civic nation idea towards homogenization which acquired meaning in the Turkification policies which also became a major source of the Kurdish issue in Tu rkey.  [3]  After the major Kurdish rebellions of the 1920s and 1930s in Turkeys southeast where the population were predominantly Kurds, Turkish governing elites began viewing the utterance of a separate Kurdish identity as a threat to the nation-state.  [4]   Change in the governance style at the beginning of the Republic might prevent the escalation of conflict in the country. Instead, the structural violence emerged in the form of assimilation policies; Kurdish people were resettled, places and peoples names were changed, the use of language was restricted, and the very existence of a Kurdish identity was denied  [5]  . Burton emphasizes that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦to go one step further and to eliminate structures and policies which generate conflict, violence and crimeà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦societies would need to be transformed from centralized systems, top-down administrations, to centralized, bottom-up decision makingà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦Ã‚  [6]  . In that line, the decentralization that would have the potential of strengthening the local administrations could not be tolerated in the nation building process. Under these assimilation policies, the Kurdish resentments had turned into a reaction in the form of Kurdish movement against the state. On the relationship between the state development and social movements, Tarrow argues that some aspects of state development facilitated the rise of movements.  [7]  In Turkey, the consolidation of centralist and unitary state ideology facilitated the Kurdish resentment. The Republican repressive and exclusionary politics in social, economic, cultural and political life against Kurds propelled those people into a collective movement.  [8]  1970 and 1980s military coups and their spatial repressive policies incited the Kurdish contentious politics into an emergence of distinctive nationalist/secessionist armed movement of Kurdistan Worker Party (PKK)  [9]  . The conflict peaked at the end of 1990s and the death toll had reached over 30,000 in total-half of them PKK militants, one-fourth civilians, and the remaining one-fourth members of the security forces.  [10]  The conflict was seen as a zero-sum game and emergency military measures instead of parliamentary decisions were seen as the only legitimate way of responding the PKK attacks. In that sense, the Kurdish reaction had to be responded by repression. The conflict between Turkish state and the PKK, therefore, should be analyzed in a chain of action-reaction model. Metin Heper analytically defines the theory of change in this conflict as (a) the Turkish state has relied on forced assimilation of ethnic elements, including Kurds; (b) that Kurds have resisted the states efforts to force assimilation; and (c) that in response to the rebellious elements, the state has used suppression.  [11]  The thing worthwhile to think about the AKP governments new initiative of Kurdish openin g is that the theory of change in the state policy related to the resolution of the conflict is changing. There is an observable shift from military solution to a political solution and the dynamics supporting this shift has to be analyzed. III. WINDOWS OF OPPORTUNITY AND THE KURDISH OPENING Turkeys larger aims of becoming a regional power cannot explain the underlying logic behind the Kurdish Opening policy. Turkeys internal and external dynamics, which can be seen as a windows of opportunity, support the government in this process. Removing the PKK from Turkeys political equation, however, is not a novel endeavor. However, international and regional circumstances have never been favorable to that objective. At the current juncture, there is a more favorable environment to addressing the many challenges of the Kurdish question. The Turkish leadership as well seems to have grasped the new situation and has thus changed its conventional perception of the problem. 1) Domestic Since the early days of the Republic, all Turkish governments have refrained from upsetting the balance of power that favors the political role of the military over that of democratic reform that may be reacted by the military. According to Çandar, any sort of Kurdish opening would have either been doomed to failure from its very beginning, or deterred from starting at all.  [12]  The only path for democratic reforms that will reduce the power of the military in politics is through very strong domestic and international backing.  [13]   Such domestic support is enabled by the Ergenekon Case, which was aimed at eliminating the closed, dark, intolerant and secret communities friendly with the military bureaucracy and state officials but insidiously devoted to destroying the government  [14]  Firmly grasping the influence that these elements have on state establishments through the Ergenekon investigation has given way for the governing AKP to create a platform through which the Kurdish issue can be discussed without military means.  [15]   As Cizre discusses, the question now is whether the AK Party can emerge from the Ergenekon episode newly positioned to renegotiate a robust role for itself and articulate a new relationship between Kurdish actors and Turkish politics.  [16]  The political arena in Turkey is now in the hands of the AKP government, as it received 55 percent of public support in the last referendum. Other political actors appear to be excluded from the Kurdish Opening.  [17]  The steps taken until now are being debated by many, as with this public support behind the government comes a greater expectation for the government to take bolder steps toward the solution. 2) International Since Turkeys EU candidacy was entered into consideration in 2005, the EU has had a tendency to see Turkeys Kurdish issue from a human rights perspective in that the minority rights of the Kurdish population must be granted as a pre-requisite for membership. Along those lines, Turkey has sought to meet the Copenhagen criteria for membership and supported reforms in cultural rights. EU membership became a democratization tool in the hands of the government against the state establishment. The EU praised the government by indicating that the reform process in Turkey and the accession process are closely linked to each other, as argued by EU term president and Swedish Foreign Minister Carl Bildt during the annual Turkey-EU Troika meeting in Istanbul.  [18]   After the initiation of the new policy, both the West and East supported and appreciated the AKP governments democratization. After initiation of the Kurdish Opening policy, the economic ties between Turkey and Iraqs Kurds increased. Washington and Baghdad agreed to work closer with Turkey on the rapid intelligence  [19]  that is believed to weaken the position of the PKK. The democratic credentials of Turkey are increased in the eyes of the West, and according to Somer and Evangelos, the Kurdish question is an important piece of what Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet DavutoÄÅ ¸lu has dubbed the zero problems with neighbors policy.  [20]   Kurdish Opening Making choices in a conflict plays a significant role in the escalation-de-escalation of the conflict. Tjosvold argues that the conflict does not just happen nor does conflict escalate by itself. People make choices that escalate conflict of lead to more constructive outcomes (Tjosvold 2006, 91). The AKP government, with the help of public support, decided to transform the conflict by taking bolder steps toward bring fundamental solutions to the Kurdish issue. The policy popularly known as the Kurdish Opening was launched at the end of the summer of 2007.  [21]  The government published a report entitled The Democratic Opening Project with Questions and Answers: The National Brotherhood Project  [22]  in order to publicize the benefits that democratic opening would bring to Turkey. In the booklet, some of the issues mentioned included the imprisoned leader of the PKK, Ocalan, would not benefit from any type of amnesty, military operations against the PKK would continue unless its members are disarmed, the ideal of unitary state, nation and flag would be maintained, although unitary nation does not mean a nation composed of a dominant race, and the official language would be Turkish forever. Although the government was framing the policy with this broad approach, some sections of society were discussing bolder steps that had to be taken by the government for a permanent solution to the Kurdish issue. This included negotiating with the leader of the PKK and cooperating with its political extension, the Democratic Society Party (DTP)  [23]  . AKPs Double-Discourse Turkish political scientist Kirisci has defined the initiative as several confidence building measures,  [24]  However it is unclear what building confidence means for peace. Pruitt discusses working trust as one of the necessary preconditions for peace, which is a belief that the other party also wants to escape the conflict and has reasonable or flexible aspirations  [25]  . Looking at the parties, it can be argued that both the AKP government and the PKK sought to abandon armed conflict and begin a peace process. However, this process is quite complex for both sides. The PKK has sought to case armed conflict, arguing that with violent means, the Kurdish people living in Turkey will not get their rights. The imprisoned leader of the PKK, Ocalan, who also sees himself as a mediator between the state and the PKK, is continuously sending messages arguing for peace. According to him, we are in favor of disarmament in principle as long as legal-constitutional safeguards are provided.  [26]  The organization also wants to see the pro-Kurdish political party, DTP, at the negotiation table with the government for the advocacy of Kurdish rights.  [27]   Alternatively, however, many unclear questions regarding the communication between the PKK and the AKP have arisen. As Ocalan is arguing that the biggest obstacle in front of the peace is the AKP,  [28]  and the approach of the state is much more positive than the AKP government,  [29]  questions of who is the state and who is the government are emerging. According to Pruitt, making secret contacts with the other side is one way to motivate for the peace process. The government is clearly deferring to public support, choosing to use two different discourses in order to guarantee both public support and success in the peace process. The government has received strong reaction from the public after the Habur incident in May of 2009. Pro-Kurdish DTP supporters welcomed a group of PKK members arriving in Turkey with excitement, chanting slogans in favor of the PKK and its jailed leader Abdullah ÃÆ'-calan.  [30]  All media channels portrayed the event as a part of the Kurdish Opening process. The minister of the interior announced at a press conference that the return home is part of the democratization process and that there would be more good news soon.  [31]  However, the leader of PKK, Ocalan, declared his leave from the movement at the end of the month. It is unclear what has happened after the Habur incident and why Ocalan declared his leave from the movement, but the PKK called an end to the ceasefire that was declared earlier in the same month. After the Habur incident, the government was forced to re-evaluate its strategy and choose instead a double-discourse strategy. Since that time, the conciliatory signs between the government and the PKK have reduced. The government understood that trust-building between the parties regarding the Kurdish issue may taken a long time, as it requires a transformation of a war system into a peace system, inspired by a quest for the values of peace and justice, truth and mercy.  [32]   Timing The timing of the governments Kurdish Opening policy also deserves a brief discussion. One of the most widely respected ideas about the timing of the initiation of the peace processes comes from the Zartmans idea of ripe moment moment in which the parties perception of a mutually hurting stalemate, optimally associated with an impending, past, or recently avoided catastrophe.  [33]   Launching the Kurdish opening policy has nothing to do with ripe moment, however. The ripe moment in Turkish Republican history is the AKP governments ascension to power. If the history of the conflict is considered, the 1990s were the era in which the parties should have sought a way out since the parties found themselves locked in a conflict from which they couldnt escalate to victory and this deadlock was painful to both of the parties.  [34]  However, domestic and international conditions did not allow the governments to achieve a way out at that time. The conditions that ripened the conflict and made it open ot resolution corresponded to the domestic and international conditions that led the AKP government to speak about Kurdish Opening. In that sense, the conditions that prepared the AKP to initiate steps toward democratization are an objective reality rather than a perceptual event, as Zartman identifies  [35]  . The major motivational factors in the Kurdish Opening included pressure from the EU, Turkeys ambitious zero-problem policy with neighbors in order to be a regional power, and Turkeys internal dynamics, including the Ergenekon case and decreasing power of the military in politics. In that sense, the Kurdish opening can be seen as the beginning of a peace process since, as Pruitt identifies, what is necessary for the peace process is the motivation (that is, a goal) to end the conflict, which is fed by (a) a sense that the conflict is unwinnable or poses unacceptable costs or risks and/or (b) pressure from powerful third parties such as allies.  [36]   Conciliatory Signs According to Pruitt, another significant factor for the peace process is that optimism is about the outcome of conciliation and negotiation.  [37]  Conciliatory gestures are critical messages given by both parties to build trust. As discussed above, the government has begun using different discourses, as the general elections are approaching. However, at the beginning of the process, it was publicly supporting peace. For example, the leaders of both the AKP and the DTP, which is believed to be the extension of the PKK in the Turkish Grand Assembly,  [38]  had a meeting in May of 2009 right after the announcement of the governments Kurdish Opening policy. The leaders discussed their optimism and motivation for the future of the project.  [39]   Corresponding to the moves from the government, the PKK has declared a ceasefire that was to comprise of the dates between August 12th and September 20th, 2010, to end before the religious month of Ramadan and the referendum  [40]  . This ceasefire was aimed at amending the constitution, which was written by the military authority after the 1980 military coup. Ceasefires are important for the peace process, as according to Pruitt, if conciliatory gestures between the parties increases in strength, the partys behavior becomes increasingly conciliatory and may eventually take the form of a cease-fire and entry into negotiation.  [41]   In October of 2010, Ocalan sent a letter to the leader of the PKK, Murat Karayilan,  [42]  and the government, asking for an extension of the ceasefire that was declared on August 12th. Karayilan argued that that we extended the unilateral ceasefire against Turkey after receiving a letter from Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan till 2011 general elections in Turkey.  [43]  Although Ocalan, in his latest messages, has been arguing that the state is more candid than the government for the peace process, it is unclear why he initiated the extension of the ceasefire until the general elections, which is directly related the future of the AKP government. It is still unclear what this final ceasefire means for the peace process. According to Aydintasbas, the Kurdish Opening was started based on reciprocal distrust between the parties of the Kurdish Conflict. When the Habur incident turned into a festival, public rage interrupted the peace process. This latest ceasefire will lead to the continuation of the process and a return home for the PKK, which also strengthens Oclans position for the movement.  [44]   Concrete Steps The EU Commissions 2010 Annual Report for Turkey  [45]  is the most valuable tool in order to see how much progress the government could make. As the report indicates although the AKP government made public statements of commitment for the progress in Kurdish initiative, there is no actually strong evidence that the democratic opening was followed through. Seen developments as the Report mentions; As regards freedom of expression, an increasingly open and free debate continues on a wide scale in the media and in the public on topics perceived as sensitive, such as the Kurdish issue, minority rights, the Armenian issue, and the role of the military.  [46]   As regards cultural rights, the Regulation on the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTUK) was amended in November, removing all restrictions on broadcasting in Kurdish and other languages by private and public channels at the local level.  [47]   For the first time, the DiyarbakÄ ±r Municipal Theatre staged a play in Kurdish. In June, the State Minister for EU Affairs invited all EU embassies to a Kurdish literature event in the village of Bahcesehir (Van). Mardin Artuklu University established the first Kurdish and Assyrian language departments, and began accepting students to post-graduate programs organized by these departments.  [48]   The amended law on fundamental principles of elections and the electoral registry entered into force on 10 April 2010, de facto allows the use of Kurdish in election campaigns.  [49]   RECOMMENDATION Identity-related conflicts such as the Kurdish issue have deeply-rooted historical, cultural, emotional, economic and political dimensions; therefore, there is no magic solution to address all these issues. There are, however, many potential steps that would help eliminate obstacles to social and political reconciliation. Although legal and political reform is crucial for eliminating structural inequalities, there is a need to initiate a holistic reconciliation process over the long term by also continuing conciliatory gestures that are likely to address certain cultural and psychological sensitivities. Along those lines, the recommendations outlined below for the continuation of the peace process and establishment of a peace agreement are aimed at providing a perspective for a multi-layered and multi-actor intervention. Transforming the public discourse Transforming the public discourse is critically important during the peace process. As this conflict has been used by politicians for years as a tool to gain public support, discourse based on enemy images and dehumanizing on both sides pervades the peoples cognition. In order to institutionalize the socio-psychological infrastructure  [50]  , the healthy exchange of information between the parties, the use of cultural products to eliminate enemy images, and changes in educational materials will be necessary. The Truth and Reconciliation Commissions established to investigate mystery murders in 1990s will help to transform the discourse as well. The role of the civil society is quite important in this process of discourse transformation with the help of the media. Understanding that the Peace Process is non-linear During the peace process, due to a lack of information exchange or misunderstanding gestures, the conflict may escalate or deescalate, or ceasefire may continue and further steps may not be taken. In any situation, including a change in leadership, the stakeholders in the process should stay in the process and move forward. Solving Spoiler Problems As Stedman argues, a correct diagnosis of spoiler type is crucial for the choice of an appropriate strategy of spoiler management.  [51]  Regarding Kurdish initiatives, the most critical opposition to the government comes from the opposition parties in the Assembly.  [52]  It is also known that there are some factions in the PKK that do not seek disarmament.  [53]  Therefore, if the AKP government and the PKK are in fact targeting a peace agreement, they must both learn how to manage opposing groups and create a grand peace coalition that includes all parties related to the issue. Having a Perception of the peace process is a win-win situation In order to be optimistic about the future, each party must lower its aspirations and see how a compromise will be beneficial to both. The results that are aimed at must be divisible into small pieces. Walter cites that, if the stakes are chiefly indivisible, so that neither side can get most of what it wants without depriving the other of mots of what it wants, negotiations are less apt to be successful.  [54]  Although the Kurdish armed movements goals are less rigid than before, focusing more on a rights-based discourse, there is always a question about the secessionist ideals of Kurdish nationalism among non-Kurdish populations. Therefore, instead of discussing unrealistic territorial demands, the ethnic-cultural rights appear more feasible at the negotiation table. International and National Legal and Political Arrangements Those reforms must include both international and national reforms, as widely addressed by TESEVs latest report.  [55]  International instruments and mechanisms have a significant role in the protection of human rights through their effectiveness and functionality. Regarding the constitution, any phraseology based on Turkish ethnic identity must be eliminated from all articles, as it is against the pluralist nature of Turkish society.  [56]  Moreover, a comprehensive review of the legislation must be undertaken and references to Turkish ethnic identity in various laws must be removed.  [57]   Positive Economic Discrimination for South-East Anatolia The relative economic deprivation is quite clear in the Kurdish regions in comparison to the rest of Turkey. Sustainable economic development projects must concentrate on such regions and positive economic discrimination must be provided for the region. CONCLUSION Addressing the Kurdish demands should not just be a matter of political pragmatism for the AKP government; it is rather a historical opportunity to appease the tensions continuing for a long time. It is not clear whether the AKP government will be able to accommodate the Kurdish requests during their tenure because of the enduring social, political, legal and psychological obstacles. And it is also unrealistic to expect a resolution of complex historical problems within a relatively short period of time. However, if the Kurdish opening process is managed constructively, the peace process will have a positive impact at the political as well as at the grassroots levels.

Understanding Celiac Disease Essay -- immune system, multisystem disor

Unfortunately for diagnosed patients, there is no recognized cure for Celiac disease. What the individual must do instead, is change their diet completely. Some may think that changing a diet around is no big deal and in fact, that may be true until it happens to them. Similar to many other aspects of life, nothing seems to be a problem or as severe until it directly affects the person who thinks it is not a big issue. This makes people diagnosed with Celiac disease lives challenging. On top of having to change their diets completely, they also have to deal with people who do not understand the disease and how it is a serious problem. Being diagnosed with Celiac disease affects the everyday life of people and restricts what they can eat. Celiac disease is a multisystem disorder. It causes the body’s immune system to respond negatively to the protein in specific grains. "The immune system responds to these proteins because it thinks it is being attacked. It then builds antibodies to protect itself from these proteins and inturn those antibodies cause damage to the small intestines" (Bower). In life you do not realize that anything is wrong until of course when you notice something is wrong. For example, coming home from somewhere and walking through the front door just like any other normal day and there is no realization that the house is broken into until noticing that the back door is smashed open. Celiac disease is much like the back door in the prior situation. Many people do not even realize that they have this issue until their stomach begins to be in pain for longer periods. â€Å"Celiac disease, a multisystem disease, is one of the most underdiagnosed hereditary autoimmune disorders.† What multisystem means is that the ... ... hundred percent. This disease is extremely complicated and time consuming, it involves tons of research and planning. Every meal has to be thought about and anticipated. Gluten-free diets are one of the most difficult diets to follow in today's world. Works Cited Bower, Sylvia Llewelyn, Mary Kay Sharrett, and Steve Plogsted. Celiac Disease A Guide to Living with Gluten Intolerance. New York: Demos Medical Publishing, LLC., 2007. Green, Regina. Personal Interview. 06 December 2015. Dennis, Melinda and Daniel Leffler. Real Life With Celiac Disease Troubleshooting and Thriving Gluten Free. Bethesda, MD: AGA Press, 2010. Green, Peter H.R. and Rory Jones. Celiac Disease A Hidden Epidemic. New York: HarperCollins Publisher, 2010. Langwith, Jacqueline. Perspectives On Disease & Disorders Celiac Disease. Farmington Hills, MI: Greenhaven Press, 2012.

Why Do Ads Target Children?

Why do Ads Target Children? Have you ever been in an isle of a store and heard, but mom I really want this I saw it on television? This is a product of advertising. Since the late 1980’s children have emerged as a key demographic to marketers. Advertisements selling everything from the latest video game to the newest automobile are now targeted to the youth of our world. Children have buying power that sways their parents’ purchases, and they are the future consumer. Marketing to children is creating the children’s ability to nag a parent into purchases. Nagging or â€Å"Pester Power† is the most used strategy in the market today. The theory behind this is rather than going straight to the parent, give the child the buying power. Children are much more persuasive in the middle of a shopping trip than that commercial the parent heard two hours ago. Children often get their â€Å"wants† based on their persistence of needing a product. If someone asks you whether you want a Coke or Pepsi, you immediately know you're being asked about a carbonated cola beverage — with distinct yet subtle differences between the two. Which ever brand you choose, Coke or Pepsi shows that somewhere along the line you developed a preference for that product. In Advertising it is called product loyalty. Marketers use Repetition of products children have no current use for such as a Ford Truck to build brand recognition in hopes that as an adult they will buy that Ford verses the Chevrolet. It also works with things such as Cake mixes. A child watches the Betty Crocker cake mix ad, nags the parent into buying and using the product. Then in turn buys the product as an adult based on their experience as a child. The Market has seen a new angle to encourage children to buy brand X over the competitor’s product. Many schools have lost funding due to our economic downfall. So advertisers such as Campbell’s soup have come up with campaigns such as â€Å"Labels for Education†. Basically you buy their product. Send in the label and earn stuff for your school. This gives both children and parents a creditable reason for buying the product. Corporations are also gaining access to advertise in public schools in exchange for materials. Frito Lay will sponsor events in schools in exchange for tagging their logo n flyers advertising the event. Children are easily influenced by things they see. Nine times out of ten a child will pick the cereal with Hannah Montana on the box over the box that she’s not on. Since the days of radio children have been introduced to the idea that if I want to be a star I should eat the same cereals that the stars’ eats. The use of role mode ls and celebrities to influence children is used everywhere. If it is meant for the use or consumption of a child you will most likely find a celebrity attached to it. On average there are three televisions and one computer in every home. So it is no wonder how advertising can reach so many children. Just a child sitting down to do some school researches can be inundated with hundreds of advertisements in an hour’s time. A half hour television special contains at the least 10 minutes of commercials. Just about everywhere you look someone is trying to sell something. Although, children have no direct income of their own we often overlook their buying power. In today’s busy world parents have tendency to buy more to satisfy their children. From candy bars to flat screens never underestimate the buying power of a whining child.

Creative writing in non-fiction Essay

Creative nonfiction (also known as literary or narrative nonfiction) is that branch of writing which employs literary Styles, techniques and artistic vision usually associated with fiction or poetry to create factually accurate narratives on actual persons and events. Creative nonfiction contrasts with other nonfiction, such as technical writing or journalism, which is also rooted in accurate fact, but is not primarily written in service to its craft. It is a hybrid of literature and non-fiction because it comprises of Non-fiction elements and Literary elements which are essay form, story/narration, explanation/exposition, place/scene/setting, standard rhetorical patterns, characterization, focuses on ideas, facts (not only language),author personally engaged, researched facts, literary voice/feel, artistic, instinctual, polished language. The primary goal of the creative nonfiction writer is to communicate information, just like a reporter, but to shape it in a way that reads like fiction. As a genre, creative nonfiction is still relatively young, and is only beginning to be scrutinized with the same critical analysis given to fiction and poetry. Though only recently identified and taught as a distinct and separate literary genre, the roots of creative nonfiction run deeply into literary tradition and history though has been in use as earlier as 1970s but was originally made official in the year 1983 in the United States of America at a meeting convened by the National Endowment for the Arts to deal with the question of what, exactly, to call the genre as a category for the NEA’s creative writing fellowships. The NEA long recognized the art of nonfiction but has been trying to find a way to describe the category so writers would understand what kind of work to submit for consideration. â€Å"Essay† is the term used to describe this â€Å"artful† nonfiction, but it didn’t really capture the essence of the genre for the NEA or lots of other folks experimenting in the field. Technically, scholars, critics, and academics of all sorts, as well as newspaper op-ed reporters, were writing â€Å"essays,† although that was not the kind of work the It had in mind. â€Å"Journalism† didn’t fit the category, either, although the anchoring element of the best creative nonfiction requires an aspect of reportage. For a while the It experimented with â€Å"belles-lettres,† a misunderstood term that favors style over substance and did not capture the personal essence and foundation of the literature they were seeking. Eventually one of the NEA members in the meeting that day pointed out that a rebel in his English department was campaigning for the term â€Å"creative nonfiction. † That rebel was Professor Lee Gutkind. Forms within this genre are personal essays, memoir, travel writing, food writing, biography, literary journalism, and other hybridized essays. Personal essay is often a free-wheeling device of self-expression. If you ever want to experiment with prose and with loosened structure, this is where you can do it. A memoir is a piece of autobiographical writing, usually shorter in nature than a comprehensive autobiography. The memoir, especially as it is being used in publishing today, often tries to capture certain highlights or meaningful moments in one’s past, often including a contemplation of the meaning of that event at the time of the writing of the memoir. The memoir may be more emotional and concerned with capturing particular scenes, or a series of events, rather than documenting every fact of a person’s life (Zuwiyya, N. 2000). Literary journalism refers to the use of fictional techniques in writing a work of nonfiction. In other words, it’s a true, well-researched, journalistically-sound story that might normally be written in a dry newspaper manner that has been instead written with style, vivid description, and narrative flow that immerses the reader in the story. The quality of the writing used to tell the story is just as important as telling the truth of the story. Narrative history is the practice of writing history in a story-based form. It can be divided into two subgenres: the traditional narrative and the modern narrative. Traditional narrative focuses on the chronological order of history; it is event driven and tends to center upon individuals, action, and intention. Modern narrative typically focuses on structures and general trends. A modern narrative would break from rigid chronology if the historian felt it explained the concept better. Docufiction (often understood as docudrama) is a neologism which refers to a cinematographic work in a genre mixing fiction and documentary. Docudrama is wrongly used as a synonym of docufiction, confusing drama with fiction. The use of docufiction is common in television, consisting in illustrating facts or events with actors. The term docudrama is apter in this sense. The term docufiction is sometimes used to refer to literary journalism (creative nonfiction). Controversies over the legitimacy of creative nonfiction, both as a term and as a genre; flares up regularly, perhaps even annually. In recent years, several well-publicized incidents within the United States have called into question the truthfulness and factual standards of creative nonfiction. Given its different styles and characteristics, it is not held to the same journalistic ethics and standards as direct reporting or news publications. Its allowances of artistic license to authors are not standardized, and some have accused writers of glorification of interpretation, and even of fabrication. A recent example of these incidents is the James Frey controversy in regards to his memoir A Million Little Pieces, published in 2003. In his memoir, Frey claimed to certain experiences (claim to have helped a high school friend sneak out with her boyfriend on the night she died in a car wreck. But, according to thesmokinggun. com, police reports and the girl’s family indicate Frey had nothing to do with the tragedy. ), which purported to be a memoir but contained fictionalized events, is unmasked in 2006. Such scandals seem to inspire frenzies among literary and cultural critics, an excuse for predictable (but nevertheless often satisfying) expressions of Schadenfreude and sanctimonious pronouncements about Truth in Art. Writers are warned to not be too cre ¬ative with weaving their stories, however. If you add characters, dialogue, invent scenes and alter facts, you moved to the realm of historical fic ¬tion, a noble genre but still, fiction. Lee Gutkind, an English professor at the University of Pittsburgh, credited as the founder of the creative non-fiction movement. â€Å"There’s this research aspect of creative non-fiction (Ethics of Literary Non-fiction) that you can’t get away from — that a lot of writers try to skip over or do without. † Authors seem to be getting the emotional aspects of a nonfiction topic across successfully. Many authors try to carry the emotion with anthropomor ¬phism or an abundance of exclamation points, rather than building the story in such a way that the natural drama of it comes through. Sometimes, the descriptive language is not as strong as it could be. Nonfiction authors are more likely to use a simple, somewhat familiar description rather than searching for a more evocative, unique way of saying the same thing. Works Cited Gutkind, Lee (2007). The Best Creative Nonfiction, Vol. 1. New York: W. W. Norton, xi. ISBN 0393330036. Johnson, E. L. ; Wolfe, Tom (1975). The New Journalism. London: Pan Books. ISBN 0330243152 Wyatt, Edward. â€Å"Best-Selling Memoir Draws Scrutiny†, The New York Times, 2006-01-10. Anderson, Chris (1989). Literary nonfiction: theory, criticism, pedagogy. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, xix-x. ISBN 0809314053. Nancy E. Zuwiyya, School Library Journal, Fox’s work, Colombia, Heinemann Library (Chicago, IL), 2000